To see what is in front of one's nose needs a constant struggle.
--- George Orwell
Wednesday, September 17, 2014
The Daily War Crime: Drone Footage From Gaza Reveals Appalling Destruction---And A Pattern Of Indiscriminate, Disproportionate Shelling Of Civilian Areas
Trigger warning: This drone camera footage from the destroyed Gaza neighborhood of Shejaiya is Very Disturbing, especially if you followed the military action as it unfolded. Mark Perry, who often writes for Foreign Policy, has a great piece at Al Jazeera on the indiscriminate IDF shelling that obliterated Shejaiya on July 20, as observed by US military officers in the Pentagon who closely monitored the fighting in twice-daily classified reports. Perry reports that the Israeli artillery barrage left American military monitors “stunned” at its ferocity. The YouTube footage, which was featured on the BBC this morning, is what really brings it home---pounds it home is more like it. Think Berlin, 1945. Some of it actually looks like Dresden, or a videogame depiction of Planet Null.
The
IDF is putting a lot of effort into addressing Palestinian war crimes charges with its internal legal advisors going into overdrive;
Israeli political leaders and diplomats have been working tirelessly on other
fronts, including the US Congress,
trying to block a formal UN inquiry and Palestinian efforts to present
their case to the International Criminal Court. This footage shows why Palestinians in Gaza have a lot to
work with, and why Israel might be in for a unprecedentedly rough legal ride, especially with Palestinian human rights workers improving the reliability of their forensic evidence compared to prior Israeli operations in Gaza in 2009 and 2012. And from what Perry reports, Israel
better hope that human rights investigators don’t get their hands on the
Pentagon reports or any similar “logs” kept by the IDF.
According
to Hagai El-Ad, executive director of the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem
who spoke at a New America event last week, answers to war crimes questions
from Gaza “aren’t necessarily found in Gaza.” When I asked him if they were
exploring the possibilities that there might be a Bradley Manning/ Edward
Snowden scenario on the horizon wherein someone from inside the IDF might leak
incriminating information, or, in the case of Pentagon, to allow a “sanctioned
leak” of the information the US military has, El-Ad was coy, only saying “We’re
exploring all options and scenarios.” I doubt the White House would order a “sanctioned leak” but you never
know. There’s no real love lost between the CIA, the NSA or the DIA and Israel
over Israel’s lack of reciprocity with those agencies and its continued spying
on US targets, including Secretary of State John Kerry while on the ground in Israel during failed peace negotiations this spring.
I
don’t like the idea of these kind of leaks, at least the Manning and Snowden
actions where a single individual takes it on himself to make the decision to
divulge state secrets. (I’ve since come around to a reluctant acceptance of Snowden’s
actions, especially because he revealed that the Obama administration
authorized a sharing agreement between the NSA and the Israelis in which
metadata of US citizens and politicians would be given to Israel, with very
little enforceable legal protection against violations of privacy and free
speech.) Still, when you look at the utter destruction of a place like Shejaiya
, you could see why someone in a position to bring those responsible for it to
justice might be tempted to release information capable of doing that.
Watch the footage---and watch this space. A Manning /Snowden scenario, or an Israeli version of it, is fanciful at this point, but still...
Watch the footage---and watch this space. A Manning /Snowden scenario, or an Israeli version of it, is fanciful at this point, but still...
Monday, September 15, 2014
ISIS’s Decapitations Shouldn’t Make Us Lose Our Own Heads About Going To War Again In The Middle East
Noting that Obama was "drummed into" pledging military action "by the sudden shift in public opinion after ISIS ghastly videotaped beheadings of two American journalists," Friedman says that whatever course of action Obama pursues, that plan can only end well “if we are extremely disciplined and tough-minded about how, when and for whom we use our power.” The ISIS challenge makes Iraq---the gnarly reality we met in that country only after we got there, not the neocon delusion that took us so naively into it--- look simple, with every variable in the equation raised to an exponential level of complexity.
Our
staying power is ambiguous, our enemy is barbarous, our regional allies are
duplicitous, our European allies are feckless and the Iraqis and Syrians we’re
trying to help are fractious. There is not a straight shooter in the
bunch.
Prudence and caution are certainly
much merited. “Before we step up the bombing campaign on ISIS, it needs to be
absolutely clear on whose behalf we are fighting,” Friedman advises, explaining
that
ISIS
did not emerge by accident and from nowhere. It is the hate-child of two civil
wars in which the Sunni Muslims have been crushed. One is the vicious civil war
in Syria in which the Iranian-backed Alawite-Shiite regime has killed roughly
200,000 people, many of them Sunni Muslims, with chemical weapons and barrel
bombs. And the other is the Iraqi civil war in which the Iranian-backed Shiite
government of Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki systematically stripped the
Sunnis of Iraq of their power and resources.
Never
forget, this is a two-front war: ISIS is the external enemy, and sectarianism
and corruption in Iraq and Syria are the internal enemies. We can and should
help degrade the first, but only if Iraqis and Syrians, Sunnis and Shiites,
truly curtail the second. If our stepped-up bombing, in Iraq and Syria, gets
ahead of their reconciliation, we will become the story and the target. And
that is exactly what ISIS is waiting for.
This seems like sound analysis,
informed by an understanding of ethnic and sectarian dynamics and by America’s sorry historical
experience in making them part of our calculus. But as much as the diagnosis seems strong, the prescription is a
bit too soft focus, too “cultural,” a bit too enamoured of social media in the
way that someone of a certain age trying to be “cutting edge” can often sound.
ISIS
loses if our moderate Arab-Muslim partners can unite and make this a civil war within
Islam — a civil war in which America is the air force for the Sunnis and
Shiites of decency versus those of barbarism. ISIS wins if it can make this
America’s war with Sunni Islam — a war where America is the
Shiite/Alawite air force against Sunnis in Iraq and Syria. ISIS will use every
bit of its Twitter/Facebook network to try to depict it as the latter, and draw
more recruits.
We
keep making this story about us, about Obama, about what we do.
But it is not about us. It is about them and who they want to be. It’s
about a pluralistic region that lacks pluralism and needs to learn how to
coexist. It’s the 21st century. It’s about time.
However accurate and incisive we
are in assessing what we’re getting into at the front end, the ISIS situation
is the living definition of a “hot mess.” It’s protean, molten, shape-shifting,
whatever word you want to use. And the conditions it is exploiting---failed
states, sectarian rivalries, demographic crises --- represent a perfect storm. As
this intervention progresses, the trick will be to constantly reexamine where we
are and where the situation is at any given moment, and to avoid false
narratives and analytic equations that fail to capture the complexity and power
of a phenomenon that seems less a function of earthly politics and culture than
something supernatural.
It's hard not to hear echoes of Yeats’ Second Coming: The
vast and troubling “image out of Spiritus Mundi” emerging from “a waste of
desert sand... A shape with
lion body and the head of a man, a gaze blank
and pitiless as the sun"… a “rough beast, its hour come round at last,”
slouching
“towards Bethlehem to be born”
And Baghdad. And Aleppo. And Damascus. And Beirut.
And Jerusalem. To say nothing about New York and Washington.
ISIS surely epitomizes the worst “filled with a passionate
intensity.” It makes Al Shabaab, Al Qaeda, even the murderous 1979 "Guillotine Edition" of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, look mild. And even if the best do find the conviction needed to take the movement on, addressing every rip, snarl and surge of ISIS's “blood dimmed tide” will
require an analytic clarity that has eluded us so far. Moving fast on our end could, as some argue, nip ISIS in the bud, whatever that bud might be given its fluid nature. But a
fast strike, absent focused and targeted follow up, could also spin ISIS in a
direction that might make it even more difficult to destroy downstream, if in fact that is even possible. The smart people on this, like Michael Tomasky, are advising us to be grown ups, accept a harsh truth, and settle for containment.
Better to sit on our hands for a little while longer then before thrusting them into the “widening gyre.” No matter how furious and inflamed ISIS's beheadings may have made the American electorate, going in without a precise and coodinated plan A, and the flexibility that can help us shift to Plan B, Plan C and even Plan D if we need to, is the wrong way to start this next round. In the case of ISIS, timing isn't everything. The crucial factor here is sequencing---choreographing coordinated and complicated moves on multiple fronts. And getting that right will take considerable time to plan.
Better to sit on our hands for a little while longer then before thrusting them into the “widening gyre.” No matter how furious and inflamed ISIS's beheadings may have made the American electorate, going in without a precise and coodinated plan A, and the flexibility that can help us shift to Plan B, Plan C and even Plan D if we need to, is the wrong way to start this next round. In the case of ISIS, timing isn't everything. The crucial factor here is sequencing---choreographing coordinated and complicated moves on multiple fronts. And getting that right will take considerable time to plan.
At Yesterday's Anti Semitism Rally In Berlin, Israeli Flags Might Have Sent A Message At Odds With The Rally’s Intent
![]() |
Berliners At The Brandenburg Gate Wave Israeli Flags |
I love a parade, especially one denouncing
intolerance, thuggery and racial hate, but the visuals at Berlin's rally
against anti Semitism in Berlin have me a bit confused. German Chancellor
Angela Merkel gave a speech in which JFK's infamous line Ich Bin Ein
Berliner could have been repurposed into Ich Bin Ein Juden as a
statement of solidarity with European Jews who've become targets of rising anti
Semitism across the continent triggered by Israeli actions in Gaza this summer.
Indeed, one of the reasons for the rally was to draw the vital distinction
between "European Jews" and "the Jewish State" as a way of standing against Jewish
scapegoating. The sea of Israeli flags at the rally, however, seemed to have
sent a message at odds with that aim, conflating Jewish Europeans with the
State of Israel and in the process sending a signal of support for that state: Ich
Bin Ein Israelisch.
One of the reasons for the
dysfunction in the American and European discourse on Israel is the tendency to
equate criticism of Israel, no matter how legitimate, with anti Semitism, which
is basically a way of saying that "Jews = Israel." In fact this is not
the case, as many diaspora Jews, and certainly many anti Zionist Jews, will insist. Maybe someone needs to design a flag specifically to represent Jews as "a
people," as opposed to having the Star of David flag of the Jewish State do double duty? Or a
flag that simply, and specifically, stands for opposition to anti Semitism around the world? To hard-core anti Semites, this might be a matter
of a "distinction without a difference." But it's a distinction that
might actually make a difference in terms of the nuances that need to be
established.
Design proposals for new flags should be sent to: coloringthenews@gmail.com
Tuesday, August 26, 2014
The 'New Yorker' On Netanyahu's Duplicity, AIPAC's 'Dual Loyalty' And The Israel Lobby's Dangerous Hold On The US Congress
Connie Bruck’s reporting on the backlash against Israel and its primary American enabler, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, is a powerful indictment against the very “lobby” that New Yorker editor David Remnick himself scoffed at back in 2007 when Steven Walt and John Mearsheimer were launching the book version of their now-infamous treatise. At the time, Remnick said that The Israel Lobby And U.S. Foreign Policy was “a phenomenon of its moment,” implying that it was an act of scapegoating for “the duplicitous and manipulative arguments for invading Iraq put forward by the Bush Administration” as well as “the general inability of the press to upend those duplicities, the triumphalist illusions, the miserable performance of the military strategists, the arrogance of the Pentagon, the stifling of dissent within the military and the government, the moral disaster of Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo, the rise of an intractable civil war, and now an incapacity to deal with the singular winner of the war, Iran.” All of which had left Americans “ furious and demanding explanations,” Remnick argued. He noted that Walt and Mearsheimer had been accused of anti Semitism, but did not make that direct accusation himself, though the suggestion was there. The timing of his disparagement was noteworthy. Coming just before the book's publication later that week it seemed kind of catty. Remnick obviously had an advance copy of the book. Why didn't he just review the book itself, instead of writing a jaundiced, PW-style pre-publication notice, especially for a landmark effort that broke a long conspiracy of silence on Israel's corrupting influence in Washington and would go on to became a robust national bestseller?
Bruck’s piece does have a bit of the
annoying ethnic insularity that marks the wider journalistic debate about the
US-Israel "special relationship;” the subtitle of the digital version is
“Are American Jews Turning Against AIPAC?” as if non-Jewish Americans are irrelevant.
But the article does not shy from material that raises the issue of “dual
loyalty” on the part of AIPAC operatives and their wealthy right-wing Jewish
donors, which the accompanying artwork seems to echo.
John Yarmuth, a Jewish congressman from
Louisville, Kentucky, told Bruck that “I think there is a growing sense
among members that things are done just to placate AIPAC, and that AIPAC is not
really working to advance what is in the interest of the United States. We all
took an oath of office. And AIPAC, in many instances, is asking us to ignore
it.” Another congressman, Brian Baird, ousted in 2011 after getting on AIPAC’s
bad side, observed that “When key votes are cast, the question on the House
floor, troublingly, is often not ‘What is the right thing to do for the United
States of America?’ but ‘How is AIPAC going to score this?’ ”
Fascinatingly---and irritatingly--- when Baird pressed AIPAC officials on this, he often sensed a kind of subtle contempt for America itself, a variant of a larger syndrome that might be called goyimhass. “There is a disdain for the U.S., and a dismissal of any legitimacy of our right to question (Israel)—because who are we to talk about moral values? Whether it’s that we didn’t help early enough in the Holocaust, or look at what we did to our African-Americans, or our Native Americans—whatever! And they see us, members of Congress, as basically for sale. So they want us to shut up and play the game.” A former AIPAC official told Bruck that, historically speaking, the lobbying group had a rather grandiose vision that deluded them to think that “if AIPAC had existed prior to the Second World War, America would have stopped Hitler.”
Saturday, August 23, 2014
Jewish Survivors Use Holocaust Card vs. Elie Wiesel For Supporting Israeli Gaza ‘Massacre.’ Condemn US For Financial & Diplomatic Backing And Call For ‘Full’ Boycott Of Israel
From today’s
Haaretz:
Hundreds of Holocaust survivors and descendants
of survivors have signed a letter, published as an advertisement in Saturday's
New York Times, condemning "the massacre of Palestinians in Gaza" and
calling for a complete boycott of Israel.
According to the letter, the condemnation was
prompted by an advertisement
written by Elie Wiesel and published in major news outlets worldwide, accusing
Hamas of "child sacrifice" and comparing the group to the Nazis.
The letter,
signed by 327 Jewish Holocaust survivors and descendants of survivors and
sponsored by the International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network, accuses Wiesel of
"abuse of history" in order to justify Israel's actions in the Gaza
Strip…
The letter also blames the United States of
aiding Israel in its Gaza operation, and the West in general of protecting
Israel from condemnation.
"Genocide begins with the silence of the
world," the letter reads.
The letter ends with a call to bring the blockade
of Gaza to an immediate end, and for a full boycott of Israel. "Never
again” must mean NEVER AGAIN FOR ANYONE!," the letter concludes.
*****
Full Text Of
Letter:
"Jewish survivors and descendants of
survivors and victims of Nazi genocide unequivocally condemn the massacre of
Palestinians in Gaza
"As Jewish survivors and descendants of
survivors and victims of the Nazi genocide we unequivocally condemn the
massacre of Palestinians in Gaza and the ongoing occupation and colonization of
historic Palestine. We further condemn the United States for providing Israel
with the funding to carry out the attack, and Western states more generally for
using their diplomatic muscle to protect Israel from condemnation. Genocide
begins with the silence of the world.
"We are alarmed by the extreme, racist
dehumanization of Palestinians in Israeli society, which has reached a
fever-pitch. In Israel, politicians and pundits in The Times of Israel and The
Jerusalem Post have called openly for genocide of Palestinians and right-wing
Israelis are adopting Neo-Nazi insignia.
"Furthermore, we are disgusted and outraged
by Elie Wiesel’s abuse of our history in these pages to justify the
unjustifiable: Israel’s wholesale effort to destroy Gaza and the murder of more
than 2,000 Palestinians, including many hundreds of children. Nothing can
justify bombing UN shelters, homes, hospitals and universities. Nothing can
justify depriving people of electricity and water.
"We must raise our collective voices and use
our collective power to bring about an end to all forms of racism, including
the ongoing genocide of Palestinian people. We call for an immediate end to the
siege against and blockade of Gaza. We call for the full economic, cultural and
academic boycott of Israel. “Never again” must mean NEVER AGAIN FOR ANYONE!
*****
It’ll be interesting to see if pro Israel
spinners can find a way to blame this on the deep and ineradicable anti
Semitism that they contend is hiding behind much of the world’s humanitarian concerns for
Gazan civilians as well as demands that Israel be investigated for war crimes. I think they just got hoisted by the own fraying petard.
Tuesday, August 19, 2014
Dark Shadows Over 'The Light Onto Nations:' Israel's Fascist Turn
Images of belching, snorting tanks in Gaza, as
well as the triumphalist rhetoric of Israeli politicians perched figuratively
on top of them, are not new things. In fact, you could say they’re wired into Israel’s DNA. The Zionist militant Vladimir Jabotinsky wrote in 1923 that
Zionists needed to erect a great “iron wall” of military supremacy to nurture the
nascent Jewish state against the uncompromising opposition of the native Arabs. Spurning those with a softer vision of Jewish national redemption,
while also dissing Christianity, Jabotinky declared that
The messiah will not come in the figure
of a poor man riding on a donkey. The messiah will come, like all messiahs
riding on a tank delivering his orations to the people.
According to John Judis’s Genesis, Jabotinsky did not consider
himself a fascist, though he did praise Mussolini and saw democracy as a means
to achieving a Jewish state, but not as an end in itself. Judis explains
that some of Jabotinsky’s followers however were “less reticent about fascist
ides and methods.” Judis relates how Abba Ahimer, who replaced Jabotinsky as
the leader of the Revisionsit Zionist faction, referred to him as “Duce”
and wrote a series of newspaper articles called “From the Dairy of a Fascist.”
Ahimer extolled the 20th century as “the century of
dictatorship, enthusiasm and the cult of the fist that was formed amid the
fumes of tanks.”
Jabotinsky the Zionist Revisionist has
himself become the object of revisionism. Hillel Halkin’s recent biography of Jabotinsky, which the Wall Street
Journal assigned to Douglas Feith for review in a striking example of the pro Israel insularity now plaguing the paper’s editorial page, explains that
Jabotinsky’s martial side is exaggerated, and that David Ben Gurion slandered
him by calling him “Vladimir Hitler.” Jabotoinksy was essentially a literary
figure, committed to a revival of the Hebrew language and culture, Feith contends,
preferring “Jabotinsky's multifaceted nature as a
littérateur and polemicist.” The book was also noted in Tablet,
along similar ideological lines.
But Jabotinsky’s authoritarian legacy
endures in the fury with which the Likud government of Benjamin
Netanyahu let loose the Israel Defense Forces on Gaza, which looks likely to
result in serious war crimes being leveled against the Jewish state. Perhaps
even more noteworthy are a number of anti democratic tendencies building within an
increasingly right-leaning and religiously conservative Israel. The “cult of
the fist” lives on.
With a PhD in modern European history,
the American Conservative’s founding editor Scott McConnell takes pains
to differentiate exactly what form of authoritarianism is emerging in what its more ardent supporters call “the Middle East’s only democracy.” In an essay posted
last week called “What Gaza Revealed” McConnell says that
there’s a need “to avoid crude polemical comparisons to Nazi Germany, particularly
Nazism during the Holocaust era.” Such comparisons “are often meant to be
gratuitously offensive. Israel is not Nazi Germany.” Nevertheless, McConnell
writes
With its most recent Gaza war the
country has turned a page, exposing Americans and the world to a new and far
more fascist Israel than was evident in past decade.
The Israeli peace camp that energized
mass demonstrations against Israel’s military misadventurism in Lebanon in the
1980s has “has nearly disappeared” McConnnell writes, adding “it is no
longer safe in Israel to oppose government policy by peaceful demonstration.”
In fact, the country as a whole is having trouble passing what former Soviet
dissident Natan Sharansky, who went on to become a man of the Israeli right,
calls “the town square test,” which says the distinction between a “fear
society” and a “free society” depends on whether someone can “walk into the
middle of the town square and express his or her views without fear of arrest,
imprisonment, or physical harm.” Referencing incidents that have not
gotten the attention in the American press that they deserve, McConnell says:
To protest Israeli bombardment of Gaza
now is to risk attack by right-wing thugs, while the police look on
[1] or sometimes help the pro-government
attackers [2]. Meanwhile, Israeli pro-government politicians look for new
ways [3] to punish dissenters, either by rendering human right
organizations unable to function or by pressuring employers to fire dissenters
from their jobs—tactics now described as “white fascism”. Israel hasn’t
traversed the entire route of becoming a Sharansky “fear society,” but it is on
that trajectory.
(I might add several things to this list, subsequent to McConnell's post. This includes the Israeli government's refusal this week to let Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International into Gaza in order to obstruct war crimes investigations. Also, the protest that Jewish extremists mounted at the Tel Aviv wedding of a Jewish woman to an Arab man holding signs that said "Death to Arabs," as their leader, a former Knesset member, declared that the interfaith nuptial was "worse than what Hitler did.")
(I might add several things to this list, subsequent to McConnell's post. This includes the Israeli government's refusal this week to let Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International into Gaza in order to obstruct war crimes investigations. Also, the protest that Jewish extremists mounted at the Tel Aviv wedding of a Jewish woman to an Arab man holding signs that said "Death to Arabs," as their leader, a former Knesset member, declared that the interfaith nuptial was "worse than what Hitler did.")
McConnell adds to his brief with a note
on the ugly, racist and incendiary rhetoric of Israel’s right wing politicians,
some of whom, I would add, are well received by the American pro Israel
community, including prominent figures in the Republican party.
There is Ayelet
Shaked, [4]whose open call for genocide against Palestinians
provoked one British-Israeli citizen to contemplate burning her Israeli
passport. Shaked was giving political voice to the Israeli mobs that run around
Jerusalem shouting “Death to the Arabs” and looking for Palestinians to beat
up, though she is after all only one member of Israel’s Parliament. But what is
one to make of Moshe Feiglin, not a marginal Israeli figure but deputy speaker
of the Knesset, a top player in Israel’s ruling Likud Party? He recently called
[5] for Gazans to resettled in concentration camps, and all of Hamas and
its supporters to be “annihilated.” All societies have their hate groups and
extremists, but nowhere in the democratic world are they nearer to the center
of power than Israel. In the 1980s Meir Kahane had a small following in Israel,
but his pro-ethnic cleansing party was made illegal. Now Kahanists are in the
center of the country’s ruling ideology.
This now is Israel, a country whose
military relishes unfair fights against poorly armed militias, where imposing
collective punishment of innocents is the main point, whose elected politicians
pine openly for concentration camps and genocide.
McConnell makes the point that the Israeli “turn
to fascism” was explored in Max Blumenthal’s book, Goliath,
which was loathed and dismissed by “the lobby” without ever being answered
effectively. But “Gaza has brought Blumenthal’s ideas to a point, releasing the
pent-up animus and anti-democratic hatred for all the world to see.”
McConnell explores the issue of
psychological resistance---how difficult it often is for people to really see
and recognize these kinds of political transformations in real time, as they
live them. Historically in Europe, he explains, there was “a time lag” between
the reality of Germany “becoming a murderous dictatorship, and the perception
of that reality,” which cost many people their lives by not reading the writing
on the wall and getting out in time.
Because Israel (like the Germany of
early last century) is a country of advanced science and medicine, a country
containing hundreds of thousands of individuals who would be perceived as
exemplary anywhere in the world, there is a kind of cognitive dissonance:
we draw back from recognizing the polity before our eyes because it doesn’t
match the image of Israel we grew up with (however idealized and
unrealistic that may have been). But yes, Feiglin and Shaked represent the real
Israel of today.
He senses that American opinion on
Israel is starting to shift.
Perception of the new reality lags is
beginning, ever so slowly, to catch up. Even in conversations with well-heeled members of the
business establishment, one also can sense a sea change—one hears murmurs of
disapproval, even outrage, expressed in places (an upscale golf club) where one
would never before have heard it. Politicians are the last to reflect this: the
Senate passed a unanimous vote of approval for Israel early in the conflict,
and the House adjourned leaving all manner of pressing business undone, but
making sure, by a 395 to 8 vote, that Israel received more funding for its Iron
Dome. … The American polity will change, probably bit by bit for a while
and then in a big rush—as a result of political leadership. The evolution of
public opinion towards gay marriage seems a plausible template.
I’m actually dubious that American
opinion on Israel will undergo a shift any time soon like the one on a domestic
issue like gay marriage, particularly as the pro Israel community here and
hawkish politicians in Israel invoke the specter of ISIS and its jihadist
fervor as an pretext to void the question of Palestinian statehood. And as
politicians like Hillary Clinton, New York Governor Andrew Cuomo and US
congressman Steve Israel, to name but a few, either run to Israel or give
supportive interviews to pander to pro Israel money and pro Israel votes, I’m
not exactly seeing the “leadership” that McConnel says will move public
opinion.
Whether opinion shifts and whether that
shifted opinion has any material impact on the nature of the “special
relationship,” McConnell is right though when he says that America is facing
“the terribly difficult problem” of
how to treat Israel,
hyper-nationalistic, loaded with nuclear weapons, deeply racist, persuaded that
any opposition to it is derived from anti-Semitism, feeling that the Holocaust
gives it license to do whatever it wants and that the normal rules of
international conduct will never apply to it. It won’t be an easy matter to
solve.
As Thomas Friedman wrote this spring, “We’re not dealing anymore with your grandfather’s
Israel.” Written just after as the violence in Gaza had crested, McConnell’s
grim picture of contemporary Israel may be a bit overwrought. But right now
Israel is throwing off the kind of dark shadows that make “The Light Onto
Nations” look more like a fading star.
Sunday, August 17, 2014
On McLaughlin Group, Mort Zuckerman Seems to Be Fibbing About Seeing the 'Devastation' of Gaza Firsthand
Uh-Oh. I
think Daily News publisher Mort Zuckerman just got caught in a bit of a lie, in answer to a question
put to him Eleanor Clift on this week’s McLaughlin Group. The segment focused
on Zuckerman’s visit this week to
Israel, where he had accompanied New York Governor Andrew Cuomo on a whirlwind tour of
embattled Israel as part of something called the New York State-Israel “Unity
Mission.” Mort had just described the tour he and Cuomo had been given of a
rather extensive tunnel that Hamas had built into Israeli territory, which he
said reminded of something you might see in the New York City subway system. Clift then asked: “Did you tour any of the devastation in Gaza?’
If Zuckerman kept to Cuomo’s itinerary, he would not have seen such devastation, since Cuomo spent his entire 28.5 hours on the ground in Israel proper. Although Palestinian officials had extended an invitation for Cuomo to visit Palestinian territory in the West Bank, he declined to do so, and so far there has been no news that Zuckerman made his way into Gaza on his own. This would have required a lot of "fixing" on the ground and would have been something Zuckerman himself would have written about by now, or would have had the Daily News reporter who travelled with him write up.
If Zuckerman kept to Cuomo’s itinerary, he would not have seen such devastation, since Cuomo spent his entire 28.5 hours on the ground in Israel proper. Although Palestinian officials had extended an invitation for Cuomo to visit Palestinian territory in the West Bank, he declined to do so, and so far there has been no news that Zuckerman made his way into Gaza on his own. This would have required a lot of "fixing" on the ground and would have been something Zuckerman himself would have written about by now, or would have had the Daily News reporter who travelled with him write up.
The
exchange between Clift and Zuckerman picks up at the 9 minute mark of this video.
Clift to Zuckerman: Did you tour any of
the devastation in Gaza?”
Zuckerman to Clift: Yeah, I did.
It’s
not entirely clear on the audio, but Clift seems to have then asked Zuckerman
“When?” This would have been a reference to the much-noted pace of
the Zuckerman-Cuomo “Unity Tour” and the reluctance to visit Palestinian
territory, I guess, with the assumption that Zuckerman was talking about having personally witnessing this devastation--and not through a telescope or a satellite or a drone camera. But Zuckerman was moving on---fast, as fumferers tend to do---
and launched very quickly into a spiel on how the “devastation” Clift was pressing him about was
entirely the work of Hamas and its cynical use of civilian pawns.
Bad
enough for Zuckerman to have been Cuomo’s enabler in pandering to pro Israel
money and votes and grooming his national profile by staging a dog and pony show in support of a country
that is credibly accused of war crimes---lots of them--in its recent Gaza
operations. But to lie that you’ve actually witnessed the physical aftermath of
Israel’s onslaught when in fact you have not is kinda low---and an insult to
the very brave men and women who risked their lives in Gaza to report the news
during the month-long Israeli attacks there.
Foreign
correspondents of Zuckerman’s vintage (post-Scoop, pre-internet) used to play fast and loose with
datelines all the time, claiming they were in some difficult-to-get-to place and
had seen something important when all that they had actually personally
witnessed was the battle for position at the hotel bar. Maybe it’s just a
function of generational lag---a macho “senior moment.” Then too, it could be jet lag; it's hard to be clearheaded after seeing so much so fast, even if you haven't really seen everything you say you've seen. Maybe Mort just misheard what Clift had asked.
But I suspect it’s just one more manifestation of the dishonesty that has long haunted the American discourse on Israel, the casual lying both by commission and omission that is as maddening as it is chronic.
But I suspect it’s just one more manifestation of the dishonesty that has long haunted the American discourse on Israel, the casual lying both by commission and omission that is as maddening as it is chronic.
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